वर्ण मन्थन-गन्थन

                            A causerie on churning of speech sounds

  

Speech (वाक) and sign (सङ्केत) (of the Deaf) are the two basic manifestations of language (भाषा). People know how to speak/sign is as instinctive as spiders know how to spin webs even though both the manifestations are of transitory nature. On the other hand, writing (लेखाई) is an artifact – a significant cultural accomplishment designed to capture and record the transitory nature of speech.

Acknowledging this transitory nature of speech, shiksha (शिक्षा meaning phonetics), one of the six vedanga (lit. 'limbs of the Vedas') under the purview of linguistics in the Indian grammatical tradition, was intended for proper pronunciation of the sacred text (Cardona 1994). In the similar spirit, the Brahmi script and its derivatives like Devanagari, Sarada, Gurumukhi, Bangla, Assamese, Grantha, Kannada, Malayalam, etc. collectively called the Indic scripts, were primarily based on articulatory phonetics, and the units of orthography were designed to exhibit one to one correspondence with the speech sounds (see Murthy 2006: 273). This shows that there is a systematic relationship to language and has a systematic internal organisation. In other words, it follows certain principles and rules which qualifies to be called grammar, or grammar at the level of scripts. Panini's Shiva Sutra is one such formalisation of the Sanskrit language which Kiparsky (1991) refers to as an akshar-samamnaya, an ennumeration, exhaustive listing of sounds of Sanskrit. 

1. Writing system and Orthography

In the study of writing, writing system refers to a set of visible or tactile signs used to represent units of language in a systematic way (Coulmas 1999: 560). These signs are individually termed 'character' (the Unicode Standards 4 includes letter, diacritic, numeral, punctutation, technical notation) and collectively called a script (लिपी). A single language may utilise several scripts. For example, Nepali can be written in the Devanagari script as well as in the Roman script as we do in sms. However, we follow at least one set of rules and conventions for using script in a particular language which is understood and shared by a community. A set of rules which defines the set of signs used, and the rules about how to write these signs including punctuation and spelling is called orthography (lit. 'correct writing') (वर्णविन्यास in Nepali).

The Nagari or Devanagari is used to write many languages of the Indian sub-continent viz. Hindi, Marathi, Bodo, Konkani, Sanskrit and Nepali. Though these languages share a single script, their orthography is different from each other. To cite an illustration, at the level of speech sounds Marathi has ळ and Nepali does not have. In other words, each language uses a subset of the Devanagari, and form their respective orthography. Similarly, Hindi case markers are written separately with nouns like राम ने but conjoined with pronouns like उसको whereas Nepali case markers are attached in the both as चामेले, उसलाई. Interestingly, a document entitled 'Sikkim Debt Law of 1910' shows, in the past, case markers with Nepali nouns were written separately. 

2. Devanagari: Principles & Organisation

The Devanagari script is based on phonetic principles which consider both place and manner of articulation of the speech sounds (Bright 1996: 384). In the context of writing, the written form of these speech sounds are called (lit. 'letters representing modulation of voice'), and the systematic arrangement of the वर्ण is usually referred to as (lit. 'garland of letters'). However, in the Indian grammatical tradition, varna-samamnaya (as in TaittirÁya-PrÀtiÌÀkhya) and akshar-samamnaya are often used as near synonyms though they belong to the different knowledge domains (Kapoor 2007: 6 fn. 34). Vishnumitra-Vritti on the Rig Veda Pratisakhya uses the term mala (ibid.).

वर्णमाला is organised broadly on the basis of vowels (स्वर lit. 'voice') and consonants (व्यञ्जन lit. 'embellishment'), and the series of vowels and consonants is called स्वर वर्ण and व्यञ्जन वर्ण, respectively. The canonical order of स्वर वर्ण proceeds from short vowel (ह्रस्व स्वर) to the corresponding long vowel (दीर्घ स्वर) followed by diphthongs (संयुक्त स्वर/द्विस्वर). The names of vowels consist of their sounds sometimes followed by कर (lit. 'maker'); thus अ is called अ-कर (ibid.). It is interesting to note that the Devanagari vowels other than अ following a consonant are written with मात्रा corresponding to each vowel like पा, पि, etc. In other words, compositionally पा is made up of प् + आ, and पि is made up of प् + इ. 

व्यञ्जन वर्ण is primarily based on the place of articulation (उच्चारण-स्थान). Further, speech sounds are organised on the basis of manner (प्रयत्न) – stops (स्पर्श), nasal (नासिक्य), approximant (अन्त:स्थ), fricative (उष्म/संघर्षी); voicing (घोषत्व - घोष/अघोष) and aspiration (प्राणत्व - अल्पप्राण/महाप्राण). 

The series of speech sounds belonging to स्पर्श and नासिक्य (lit. 'pertaining to the nose') (collectively called occlusives) are organised into वर्ग (lit. 'class') on the basis of their symmetric articulatory phonetic properties, and each वर्ग is usually known by the initial letter of the particular वर्ग of the वर्णमाला. Such types of व्यञ्जन is called वर्गीय व्यञ्जन. 

The fundamental principle of the Devanagari script is that each consonant carries an inherent schwa vowel (अमूर्त/निरपेक्ष स्वर) अ. This principle is graphically represented by a verti-bar called कन in all the consonants like क, ग, ट, etc. with an exception of र. To illustrate an example, प्‍ + अ = प.

Apart from the वर्ण, there is a group of characters which is collectively called diacritic (उपचिन्ह). In the articulation of speech sounds, it is observed that the initial nasal sound is assimilated to the following sound sharing the same place of articulation. This kind of regressive assimilation is called nasal homorganicity. Since, the Devanagari is based on the articulation of the speech sounds it is a convention following which the respective nasal of the each वर्ग is used. However, when followed by अवर्गीय व्यञ्जन – य र ल व श ष स ह, it is अनुस्वर (lit. ‘after-sound’) <ं> (शिर बिन्दु in Nepali). The following examples illustrates nasal homorganicity.

    ङ in क-वर्ग : अङ्क

    ञ in च-वर्ग : कञ्चन

    ण in ट-वर्ग : कण्ठ

    न in त-वर्ग : अन्त

    म in प-वर्ग : चुम्बक

    <ं> in अवर्गीय व्यञ्जन : वंश

The Devanagari स्वर वर्ण is inherently oral in nature; however, it can undergo nasalisation and consequently result into nasalised vowels. अनुनासिक ('after-nasalisation') (popularly चन्द्रबिन्दु in Nepali) <ँ> is used to represent nasalised vowel (अनुनासिक स्वर), like अ as अँ. विसर्ग (lit. 'discharge') < : > is used to represent non-syllabic ह. Since, अनुस्वर, अनुनासिक and विसर्ग are not pronounced independently and their pronunciation is dependent upon another sound, they are collectively known as अयोगवाह (lit. 'formed in union with') in Sanskrit.

An additional diacritic, a subscribed dot, which is popularly nowadays known as तल थोप्ली/थोप्ली (in Nepali; Hindi equivalent is नुक्ता (from Arabic 'point')) is used for similar sounds to an existing character. Such convention is also found in Classical Sanskrit like य and य़ (see Cardona 2003). अवग्रह < ऽ > is used to indicate elision or coalescence of a vowel as a result of sandhi like सदाऽऽत्मा (lit. 'the self, always') from सदा + आत्मा.

हलन्त (Sanskrit विराम lit. 'termination, end') is employed in order to cancel or silence the inherent vowel of a consonant, and represents a consonant without a vowel. It is a slanting stroke drawn at bottom right of a consonant to be precise at कन <्>, resulting प् as प्‍ .

In the case where the inherent vowel is obliterated, consonants are conjoined together; and such conjuncts are called ligature (संयुक्त अक्षर). Some of these ligatures take a distinct graphical representation called glyph like क् + ष = क्ष; others follow linear expansion as in त् + व = त्व; र् + य = र्‍य (an eye-lash र /परेली-र in Nepali), and some other follow vertical stacking like ट् + र = ट् ; क् + र = क्र; र +् + क = र्क (superscribed hook is called रेफ in Nepali).

The Devanagari is written from left to right, and is recognizable by a distinctive horizontal line running along the tops of the letters, called headstroke (डिको in Nepali), that links them together as a word/token. 

3. Akshar

In the Indian philosophy, akshar is a conceptually ladened term. Akshar (masculine neuter in Sanskrit) originally refers to syllable. In its application to writing – Akshar (अक्षर = अ‌‌ + क्षरmeaning indelible) is a group of one or more glyphs (of characters) that form one unit in writing or printing (Bhaskararao 2003: 388). It is directly related to glyph, and understood to have obligatory vowel ending (Salomon 2003: 70). Moreover, it is interesting to note that diacritics like अनुस्वर, अनुनासिक, विसर्ग, अवग्रह and हलन्त are not a separate akshar but a part of an akshar to which it is a diacritic in the Devanagari. It is often referred as graphic syllable although it does not necessarily share one-to-one correspondence with phonetic syllable as shown below. It is, hence, inappropriate to equate akshar with syllable (Sproat 2000: 45).

Glyph string: अस्त्र

Character string: अ + स ‌+ ् + त ‌+ ्+ र

Akshar: अ – स्त्र

Syllable: as-tra                             (slightly adapted from Bhaskararao 2003: 388)

In the Indian grammatical tradition, the akshars that are listed in the varnamala are called mulakshar. The Classical Sanskrit varnamala has twelve mulakshar belonging to the स्वर वर्ण; and a series of व्यञ्जन mulakshars with the matras came to be known as बाह्रखड़ी, which is derived from barhaakshari (lit. 'twelve akshars'). It is important to note that बाह्रखड़ी is specific to the Classical Sanskrit varnamala though nowadays it is generically used as a term for consonant-matra combination for all other varnamalas too.

Devanagari as a writing system follows akshar system (Salomon 2003: 71) opposed to other systems like alphabetic, abjad, syllabary, alpha-syllabary (Bright 1996), logographic, even to abugida (Daniels 1996; see Bhaskararao 2003 for opposing view). It is worth to note that one of the motivating factors behind the akshar system of writing was to aid in memorisation, recitation, and reproduction of orally preserved texts. Hence, akshar is not only a psychological and perceptual unit of the Indic writing system, but also a basis of grammar at the level of script.

4. Devanagari and Orthographies

Salomon (2003: 75) writes that “Nagari script as used for Sanskrit serves as the prototype for its application, with minor variations or additions, to other languages.” This explains the fact that despite having the same script, the respective orthography of Sanskrit, Hindi, Marathi, Bodo, Konkani, Dogri and Nepali are different from each other. The changes in the respective orthography are due to the qualitative and quantitative characteristics of speech sound specific to a language.

A sketch of main characteristics of the Sanskrit, Hindi Marathi, Bodo and Dogri orthographies are highlighted in a nutshell. Sanskrit shows the full range of characters several of which did not surface in other languages later. It has 13 vowels and 33 consonants; and ॡ , though not a phoneme of Sanskrit, is included to maintain short-long vowel symmetry (Salomon 2003: 75). ळ and ळ्ह which are allophones of ड and ढ, respectively in intervocalic position are also part of the varnamala of Vedic Sanskrit (ibid.).

Salomon (2003: 75) observes that in Hindi, ॠ, ऌ and ॡ are omited; न, ञ, ण and ष are retained in the varnamala but only for the tatsams, and ड़ and ढ़ are added using नुक्ता for similar sounds from other languages to an existing character. In the course of time, to accommodate Arabic and Persian borrowings in Hindi, नुक्ता has gained prominence; and क़, ख़, ग़, ज़, फ़ are a part of the Hindi orthography. On the use of diacritics in Hindi, Shapiro (2003: 257-258) mentions inconsistencies/interchangeability in the use of अनुस्वर andअनुनासिक. Marathi, as followed in Hindi, excludes ॠ, ऌ and ॡ, but retains ळ of Vedic Sanskrit. In common parlance, it is now identified as “Marathi ल”. It has an eye-lash र as a glyph.

As recently as 1976, Bodo, a Tibeto-Burman tonal language with 6 vowels and 16 consonants, has adapted the Devanagari as its main script (Baro 1996, 1990/2007). The Bodo orthography has < ' > as अ's matra, and ओ is used for unrounded back vowel. However, tone (तान) is not marked, therefore, at the level of the present day orthography, जा is ambiguous between 'to eat' and 'to be', which are, otherwise, distinct high tone and low tone, respectively (Bridul Basumatary, p. c.). Dogri, a tonal Indo-Aryan language, has घ, झ, ढ, ध, भ, ढ़ in its orthography but they are not pronounced. As matter of fact, they are substituted by tonal difference. सुर चिन्ह < ' > is used to mark high falling tone in Dogri orthography (Sunil Kumar, p.c.).
 

5. Nepali Orthography

The earliest evidence that shows Nepali written in the Devanagari is anonymous बाज परीक्षा which dates back to 943 A.D. (Pokhrel: 2043 B.S.). For all these centuries, it has remained as the main script to write Nepali. However, with the advent of publication of Nepali grammar and text books, there are consistent inconsistencies in the Nepali orthography, particularly varnamala. In the most significant linguistic documentation of Indian languages, the Linguistic Survey of India (1891-1927), Grierson (1927) makes reference to the Nagari script but does not document Nepali varnamala. Interestingly, he notes (ibid.: 21), “[T]he only peculiarity which occurs is the occasional use of the dots, thus < ^.. > instead of <ँ> , as the sign of Anunasika or nasalisation” (< > is mine). Similar observation is also made by Pandit (2051 B.S.: 3) (see Appendix I). A corpus study by Acharya (1991: 70) mentions inconsistencies regarding use of अनुस्वर andअनुनासिक in Nepali. A well known dictionary, नेपाली वृहत् शब्दकोष (1983: 19-21) acknowledges the lack of standardisation of the Nepali orthography, and points towards different issues and debates (see Clark 1969). A brief cursory survey of the Nepali varnas and their वर्णक्रम in the वर्णमाला exemplifies this very fact. 

 

To summarise, Table 4 shows that नेपाली स्वर वर्ण ranges between 16 to 6, and there are 7 types of स्वर वर्णक्रम. Table 5 similarly, shows a range of 39 to 26 व्यञ्जन वर्ण, and 9 types of व्यञ्जन वर्णक्रम (see Appendix II). 

6. Aftermath

Though one can safely attribute the paradox to tradition, convention and approach (see Acharya 1991: 63-64), the existing observed variations and the lack of the Nepali varnamala have actually opened the Pandora's box. Among other consequences; in the realm of pedagogy as in actual practice – Nepali learners following different text books will never end up learning the same Nepali varnamala. Similarly, the need of a the Nepali varnamala has a relevance in developing the script grammar of the Nepali language to meet the demands of the modern day technological advancement and its use in the emerging domains of language use.

At another level, in the Indian context, it is not just a distinct script which is a part of a language's identity – Perso-Arabic and Devanagari for Urdu and Hindi, respectively, (see Masica 1991: 144); but also orthography as witnessed in Hindi and Marathi despite having the same script. It is in this context, it is imperative to mention that orthography contributes in a high degree to the formation of a sense of solidarity and to formation of ethno-linguistic consciousness. Hence as an effort towards carving a distinct orthographic identity, Nepali is a language worthy to possess its own varnamala as well as the Nepali varnamala apart from its spelling system (see Turner 1931: xvii). Finally, a spoiler – the ideology, tradition, convention, trend and approach behind the (above mentioned) Nepali varnamalas and the contemporary cleavages, claims and contentions regarding the Nepali orthography, which certainly needs further investigation, is a part of a sequel.

Appendix I

The following available texts are used (as numerically listed in the tables 4 and 5):

1. Ayton, Jas Alex. 1820. A Grammar of the Népalese Language. Calcutta.
2. Turnbull, A. 1923 (1982 3^rd edn.). Nepali Grammar and Vocabulary. New Delhi: Asian Academic Services.
3. Pradhan, Parasmani & Pradhan, Rudramani. 1970. नयाँ साउँ अक्षर. Calcutta; Macmillan & Company.
4. Sharma, Radhakrishna. 1981. नेपाली सरल पाठ. Gangtok: Education Directorate, Govt. of Sikkim.
5. Sinha, Gokul. 1983 (2^nd edn). सरल नेपाली. Sonada, Darjeeling: Ramesh Bandhu Prakashan.
6. 1985 (11^th edn.) माध्मिक नेपाली व्याकरण र रचना. Gangtok: Rashtriya Pustak Prakashan.
7. Pradhan, Bhai Chand & Pradhan, Manbahadur. 1987 (2^nd edn.). सुगम नेपाली व्याकरण र निबन्ध रचना. Kalimpong: D. P. Upasak & Sons.
8. Sigdel, Somnath. 2050 B.S./1993 A.D. (23^rd edn.). मध्यचन्द्रिका. Kathmandu: Sajha Prakashan.
9. Pandit, Gururaj Hemraj. 2051 B.S. /1994 A.D. (2^nd edn.). चन्द्रिका. Kathmandu: Sajha Prakashan.
10. Acharya, Jayaraj. 1991. A Descriptive Grammar of Nepali and an Analyzed Corpus. Washington, DC : Georgetown University Press.
11. Yonjon, Nainasingh. 2002. शिशुपाठ प्रथम भाग. Darjeeling: Shyam Prakashan.
12. Hutt, Michael & Subedi, Abhi. 2003. Teach Yourself Nepali. A complete course in understanding, speaking and writing Nepali. London: Hodder Headline.
13. Upadhyay, Tarapati & Upadhyay, Dron Kumar. 2005. आदर्श नेपाली व्याकरण. Udalguri, Assam.
14. Kumari, Shyamala B. & Sinha, Gokul. 2005. An Intensive Course in Nepali. Mysore: CIIL.
15. Nepal, Ghanashyam & Lama, Kavita. 2006. उच्च माध्मिक नेपाली व्याकरण र रचना. Siliguri: Ekta Book House.
16. Nepal, Ghanashyam & Parajuli, Pushkar. 2007. माध्मिक नेपाली व्याकरण र रचना. Siliguri: Ekta Book House.
17. Sarma, Khagen et al. (eds.). 2008. हाम्रो भाषा. Assam: Nepali Academic Council.
18. (Year of publication not available). हाम्रो वर्णमाला. Darjeeling: Shyam Prakashan.
19. Nepal, Ghanashyam & Rai, Jeena. (in press). नेपाली सरल व्याकरण. Siliguri: Ekta Book House.
20. Sharma, Shivraj.2009. भाषावैज्ञानिक परिचय: नेपाली वर्णमालाका वर्णहरू र मेरा अन्य लेख. Darjeeling: Sriraj Prakashan

Appendix II

Native Nepali terminology of स्वरवर्ण-मात्रा (Sharma 2009: 7-11).

अ साँउ अक्षर

आ कान्नानी/कान्दानी

इ बाइमात्रा

ई दाइँमात्रा

उ तलकुरे/तर्कुल्ले उ

ऊ बर्धने ऊ

ऋ रिकार

ए एकलख/एकखुट्टे ए

ऐ दोलख ऐ

ओ लखकानो ओ

औ दोलखकन्ना औ

अं शिरबिन्दे

आँ चन्द्रबिन्दे

अ: दबासबिन्दे

A popular Nepali Varnamala rendition (from Sarma et al. 2008) among others.

कपुरी क

खरायो ख

गाई गाड़े ग

घर जस्तो घ

मास गेड़ी ङ

चरीचुच्चे च

छाते छ

डाड़ु ज

खुट्टो झर्‍यो झ

गोरु सिङे ञ

ओठ काट्यो ट

ओठ मिलायो म

डाङडुङे ड

कुकुरपुछ्रे ढ

तीन धर्के ण

कोदाली त

घोरमुखा थ

दयेंली द

काँध लौरी ध

निहुरमुन्टे न

पाटी प

पिठ्यूँ बोकी फ

पेटकाट्यो ब

भकारी भ

राम्रो म

बूढ़ो य

खाँबे र

हात भाँचियो ल

बाटुलो व

मोटो श

पेट चिरो ष

पातलो स

हलिगोड़े ह

तल थोप्ली ड़

तल थोप्ली ढ़

छेपारी क्ष

दुई धर्के त्र

गाँठो पारी ज्ञ

P.S. The Nepali Varnamala Troupe (tiny tots and their instructors Subash Shanker, Bishal Sewa and Karma) enthralled the audience with their soulful Varnamala rendition in their own style at Rachna Books, Gangtok, Sikkim on February 26, 2010. “We want to make the children learn their school lessons in the form of music,” said Debasish Mothey. Similar show was organized at Rambi Primary School, Sikkim.

(Source: http://www.in.com/news/entertainment/fullstory-nepali-varnamala-troupe-makes-learning-fun-through-music-13062879-586d945285fea17780c6cefb6f6e5718a0fb0a89-1.html). 
 

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Prof. Kavi Narayana Murthy, Dr. Mallikarjun B, Dr. Gokul Sinha, Prof. Ghanshyam Nepal, Dr. Khagen Sarma, Jeena Rai, Umesh Chamling, Rupesh Rai, Bridul Basumatary and Sunil Kumar for their valuable comments on the earlier draft as well as for discussion on the issue. Needless to say errors are mine. I wish to dedicate this causerie to my first teacher who taught me नेपाली वर्णमाला, Radhika Gurung (Pran Nath Nursery School, Kalimpong), whom fondly we call बड़ी आन्टी.

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Sinha, Samar. ms. Nepali Varnamala: Emergence, Divergence & Convergence. LDCIL, CIIL, Mysore.

Sproat, Richard. 2000. A Computational Theory of Writing Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
Sharma, Shivraj. 2009. भाषावैज्ञानिक परिचय: नेपाली वर्णमालाका वर्णहरू र मेरा अन्य लेख. Darjeeling: Sriraj Prakashan.

Sthapit, Shishir Kumar. 2003. Nepali Orthography: A Descriptive Analysis. In Peri Bhaskararao (ed.), Working Papers of International Symposium on Indic Scripts: Past and Future. 62-91. Tokyo: ILCAA.

Turner, Ralph Lilley. 1931. A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language. London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner.

नेपाली वृहत् शब्दकोष .1983. काठमाडौं : नेपाली राजकीय प्रज्ञा प्रतिष्ठान

         Sikkim Debt Law of 1910 http://www.digitalhimalaya.com/collections/rarebooks/

http://www.darjeelingtimes.com/dtnews/opinions/social/1262-2010-08-19-18-20-43.html

Book Review: Nettle (1999)

Nettle, Daniel. Linguistic Diversity. New York: Oxford University Press. 1999. 168 pp + xi

Reviewed by Samar Sinha (on 25.11.2001)

Anthropologists Nettle observes the diversity in the human language despite similar biological make-up and makes an effort to explain grammatical, temporal, or social diversity in a single framework. In fact, the book under review offers Nettle's attempt to theorise the linguistic diversity and its global distribution, an under-theorised topic.

The book is organised as follows:
    1. Introduction
    2. Language evolution: Basic mechanisms
    3. Language evolution: Computer simulations
    4. Language diversity: Patterns in space
    5. Language diversity: Changes in time
    6. Phylogenetic diversity
    7. Structural diversity

In addition to these chapters, figures, tables, epilogue, appendix, references and index make the book under review reader friendly.

In Chapter 1, the author takes language as a instinct, hard-wired in the human brain (Pinker 1994) and tries to find the mechanism involved behind the linguistic diversity in synchronic linguistics on the universal nature of language. He disapproves the family-tree model of the historical linguistics on the account that it does not account for all types of linguistic changes, and presents an alternative conceptualisation of linguistic diversity, using biological analogy, base on the notions of the linguistic item and the linguistic pool. A human linguistic pool is n abstract entity analogous to the human gene pool, which contains all the different bits of linguistic information found in human languages, and the elements of the pool is the linguistic items rather than the languages. The items include words, sounds, phonological processes, grammatical patterns and constructions which can be independently learnt and transmitted from one speaker to another or from one language to another. He incorporates items to account typological study between human speech communities. The author outlines three types of diversity in the linguistic pool:
    i. Language diversity: The number of different languages in a given geographical area.
    ii. Phylogenetic diversity: The number of different lineages of language found in an area.
    iii. Structural diversity: The parametric variations.

The author draws parallelism between linguistic evolution and biological evolution in Chapter 2, and argues that for linguistic evolution to be possible, there must be both source and amplifiers of divergence. The basic model, to which he calls the neutral model, does account for small  random variations arising due to performance factors, imperfect learning, and possibly social behaviour. He regards performance and acquisition as the sources of variation. But the model fails to address these key problems:
    i. How random variations alone can lead to sustained linguistic diversification.
    ii. How to account diversification in the absence of geographical isolation. 

   iii. How to account patterns of structural correlation in the world's languages that represent parallel evolution.

The two additional mechanisms: social selection (i.e. acquirer's identification with a group) and functional selection (i.e. least-effort principles of processing), have been incorporated to overcome these problems.  The author defends the functional selection leading to diversity rather than uniformity by positing 'fitness value' (effective at being learned and used by speakers) and under the functional selection, a language evolves towards the highest 'fitness value' settling in one of the optimal positions of the linguistic parameter. Though lucidly written, the argument needs to be substantiated by the empirical evidence in the context of the 'fitness value'.

In chapter 3, the author uses computer simulations to suggest some more concrete solutions to the key problems. An experiment in which people learn language under various circumstances is designed using computer simulation, due to limitations of natural experiment to furnish required and precise conditions. The result of the experiment deals with the importance and power of social selection, its nature and function. though relevant to prove his point, the non-quantitatively minded reader can skip the chapter incurring no loss.

The fig. 4.1 (p. 62) in Chapter 4 shows that linguistic diversity is higher in the tropics and decreases towards the poles; and suggests specific associations between the language and biological diversity. It also shows higher linguistic diversity in the Old World than in the New World like the biological diversity. The author mentions the vectors of language spread by reversing the factors that enhanced the development of a human language in history. The vectors are:
    i. The lack of fact to face interaction.
    ii. The secondary social bonds.
    iii. The influence of state mechanisms and its associated systems.
    iv. The economic system. 

The case studies from interior New Guinea, the Hausaland, and the Fulani and the Tuareg representing different ecological regimes  show the inter-linkage between social, economic, and ecological conditions and accounts importance of the ecological risk on the human social networks, which in turn produce different sized linguistic groups. The author relying on the arguments from the anthropological works, concludes that the linguistic diversity is determined by the socio-economic organisation, which is affected by the local ecology. However, the industrialised societies deserve to be studied before reaching the above conclusion. 

In Chapter 5, the author takes Dixon's (1997) framework: equilibria and punctuation (I shall assume reader's familiarity with the concepts) for inquiry into changes in linguistic diversity through time. He identifies the long equilibria in the Palaeolithic stage, and the great punctuations at the beginning of the Neolithic in the Old World and during the rise of expansionist industrial economies. this chapter draws its sustenance from the works of anthropologists. The framework validates temporal diversity in languages over different cultures, but the author himself suggests that prediction cannot be made regarding what equilibrium will be reached after the industrial punctuations.

The distribution of the world's phylogenetic diversity is studied in Chapter 6. The author takes Nichol's (1990, 1992) reference label of lineage - 'stock' for it His study shows that the phylogenetic diversity is unevenly distributed across the globe, with an order of magnitude more languages per stock in the Old World than in the New World. In this chapter, the author discusses the kinds of processes involved in fostering the phylogenetic distribution.

Nettle provides anthropological approach in understanding structural diversity, which is purely a linguistic subject, to provide additional insight into the subject in the concluding chapter. He chooses word order and phonological inventory to study this diversity and examines how amplifiers can produce structural diversity in languages. The author, finally, draws his readers' attention to: why languages in some regions follow certain paths while those elsewhere follow others, which certainly deserves scholar's attention and investigation.

Observing the gigantic issue of diversity, Linguistic Diversity is an appreciable, scholarly work written in a clear, lively, and accessible style within a framework of anthropological linguistics. The book is an attempt to explain the diversity from the explanatory view point rather than from the functional viewpoint. Nettle fails to address the necessity of diversity and remains unsuccessful in making his reader realise the need of linguistic diversity. His view on diversity seems to be a superstructure over the human moulded by ecology and economy rather than by the survival factor. Despite bringing various arguments, approaches and viewpoints to the study of linguistic diversity, which undoubtedly have enriched the study, Nettle misses an important aspect of political history - power relation between the individual societies, states and linguistic groups. The author confines himself within the title of the book and does not address 'the  cult of homogenisation and the anti-diversity factors, which are equally powerful as the forces that lead to diversification. As a hallmark of a scholar, Nettle invokes his reader towards the study of functional, cognitive and areal viewpoint to theorise the linguistic diversity. Finally, the book deserves a reader to express (as I did to my friends), 'Have you read Linguistic Diversity by Nettle ? It is worth reading.'

Reference
Pinker, S. 1994. The Language Instinct. Harmondsworth: Penguin.

Darjeeling Photos 072010

झुल्के जून

The rising Moon on a warm summer day in Kalimpong. The dark monsoon clouds hover on her in the twilight. Pic at Bong Busty, Kalimpong.

धुम्म घारीमा

Uttis (alnus nepalensis) and the Balasan witness the Rangbull-Balsan valley in perennial fog.

टिस्टा देखी आकाशतिर

A droplet at the Teesta, fog at the valley, a handful of cloud in the sky, yet I know not where I'll lie. Pic at Deolo Tourist Lodge compound, Kalimpong.

घर बाटको दृश्य

A view of the south-west ranges (India and Nepal)  from my home at Rangbull, Darjeeling.

Justice in Darjeeling

A week ago, prior to the assassination of Madan Tamang, I wrote on DT, “14-15 May strike is to derail Madan Tamang's public speech on the eve of the League's foundation day rather than as cited by GJM.” Though this paradox is well noted by many other commentators too but none thought the magnitude of the said meeting would unfold as on the 21 May morning-- before he delivered his speech, Madan Tamang was no longer. One needs to ask why did the GJM plan to protest/disrupt Madan Tamang's public speech though he was in favour of Gorkhaland ?

Madan Tamang as 'a man who knew too much' 'facts and figures' on the Hill issues (including rhododendron) not only championed the cause of Gorkhaland, democracy, 'collective leadership' but also for transparency. Before he addressed the public on 21 May, he was murdered. Is there any relation with time of his murder and his speech – certainly against the Set-up and pro-Gorkhaland; and most likely on the nexus in the tripartite talk ? Did he die as a whistle-blower ?

Despite post-assassination claims and refutations between GJM, ABGL, Democratic Front, the WB Govt. as well as of the local mass and media, or between CID vs. CBI probe, 'not in favour of talk' and 'talks will continue', 'resignation' and 'withdrawal under pressure', FIR and complaints what remains consistently in the discourse is -- who killed Madan Tamang ? And what remained unmentioned -- why was Madan Tamang killed ? Unfortunately, what was left out from the discourse is not democracy but justice - 'justice for Madan Tamang'. In other words, the rule of the law should prevail rather than 'law of the land', as often the latter case is in Darjeeling.

To seek justice, it is again imperative to ask a twin question: how many murders have taken so far in Darjeeling ? And in how many cases, justice is carried out? Most of us don't know the count regarding murder but certainly we know that none of the cases have been pursued enough to meet justice beyond the customary 90 days custody at 'mama ghar' as generally referred in Darjeeling. If such is the tradition of delivering justice in the Darjeeling Hills, it is not unnatural to expect omission in the discourse, or injustice, or to take 'law of the land' – one who can bully provides 'justice' too. History of Darjeeling abounds with such form of 'justice'. And it is true about the GJM as well as the LF Govt. as it was with the GNLF. Not to mention is about so-called 'minor violations' like of 'IPC section 144', 'threat of a dire consequence', 'grooming of extra constitutional forces' and many more as many tea bushes in the Darjeeling Hills. Does this not show the failure of the law under the LF Govt. ? Or is it to let loose 'one's own people' to avail benefit of it when needed/desired ? It undoubtedly benefits one to remain and exercise power, but how far such value, ethics, and norm will continue and to what extent? To me like to many others, the most frustrating part of the exercise is that it is intentionally practiced form of 'justice' which is corrupting society, community, region, politics, generation, etc.

Finally, will justice be delivered in Madan Tamang's case ? I am  an optimist enough to expect that it will not be. But for sure, the Set-up without the Doars and Terai will be justified. In this given context where every other thing like money, siblings, children, power, etc is greater and bigger than the issue of Gorkhaland, one can hope for a form of 'justice' where mutual hide and seek takes place, where I-beat-you-cry takes place. Such is a place called Darjeeling. No wonder, I guess. More wonderful is public memory which is 'memory-full'.

Rangbull Farm

A view of the State Potato Seed Multiplication Farm from the Packing House.

Twelve kilometres away from the Darjeeling town, the State Potato Seed Multiplication Farm stretches over 356.42 acres at Rangbull (a toponym definitely of the Lepcha origin). The Rangbull Farm, as popularly known is situated a kilometre down from the national highway connecting Darjeeling with Siliguri, and can be seen from the highway, too.

As a part of the Grow More Food campaign under the British Army, the Rangbull Farm came into existence in 1945. The vegetable cultivation was encouraged and was war supplied all over the Middle East, through the Darjeeling Himalayan Railway upto Siliguri. The produce was packed at, known till today as the Packing House with an office nearby (to be specific both at Bangladara on the national highway), now both privately owned. In the subsequent year, due to the lack of budget the campaign had ceased its operation.

In December 1947, the state government again started the potato farming on the organised way on 100 acre plot leased from the Amalgamated Tea Estate, till 1963. Rangbull despite being famous for cabbage (a local variety is named Rangbulle Banda), the State Potato Seed Multiplication Farm was established at Rangbull to produce, multiply, and supply through the government network all over India, disease free and wart immune potato seeds. Moreover, availability of the land and feasibility promoted the idea into practice. Further, the climatic and agronomic factors further encouraged the growth and production of high altitude potato, though the crop production is lesser than in the plains because of less sunshine with an annual average of four hours daily, fertility erosion by rain water, and the high weed growth. The step of establishing farm at Rangbull was warmly welcomed by the locals as it provided employment opportunity in the post-World War II era. Later, the Rangbull Farm became not just a source of livelihood but also as a centre of their existence with many legends attached with it.

In 1963, the West Bengal government cancelled the lease and nationalised the Rangbull Farm. Then after, it emerged as a major potato seed multiplier with the extension of the farm land to 365.42 acres including both the Sonada and the Rangbull units by converting the fallow land into arable land. With the extension, it was expected to be one of the largest potato farms in Asia. For the convenience of acreage, budget, production, supervision, and labour input, the farm, lying between 5, 500 feet to 7, 000 feet above the sea level was divided into six blocks with natural boundaries of streams, marsh, hillocks, etc. Before nationalisation the sole in-charge of the Farm was the Inspecting Officer (Potatoes) but after the nationalisation it was under the Economic Botanist in the Directorate of Agriculture of the state government, and many of its daily wage workers were made permanent staff. Since the fag-end of the last century, it is incorporated under the Agriculture Department of the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council.

The seed multiplication was practised on terraced fields with traditional implements like hoes, spade, forks, etc. Later on, hand driven cultivator tractor and traditional plough were experimented to pulverise the rich brown forest soil. Both inorganic and bio-organic manures were used to yield better result. The seeds were planted in November and harvested in July. Sometimes, crops were damaged by hailstorm, and wild animals, but not a single case of theft is registered so far.

In its first year, the Darjeeling Red Round, a local high altitude variety was cultivated but due to less production because of very high disease risk, it was successfully replaced by a plain variety. In 1959, the imported seeds from the Netherlands, of which a white-skinned and a red-skinned variety called Ackersegan and Pimpernel, respectively were introduced in the Farm. Their success story has now became a legend as they were more immune to diseases and were heavily demanded throughout India. Since 1965, the import of seed potato from Myanmar known as Rangoon seed had virtually stopped and the short-supply was largely made-up by the produce of the Rangbull Farm. Later on, Kufri Jyoti, a Shimla variety was introduced which also achieved a major success, and is common among the local cultivators, too. During the 1990s , the Bhangjyang White Long (BWL), indigenously developed hybrid of Pimpernel and Ackersegan at the State Potato Experimental Station, Ghoom Bhangjyang, and Kufri Jyoti were cultivated in the plot-rotation basis.

The State Potato Experimental Station at Ghoom Bhangjyang, twelve kilometres away from the district headquarter on the Darjeeling–Mirik road was established in 1944 to conduct breeding and agronomic research for finding out better varieties of potato in respect of yield, quality, and disease resistance and also to ascertain the optimum cultural and manurial requirements of the crop. An experiment that started on the five acres taken from the Forest Department is the oldest potato research station in the hills. Later the Station was extended to eighteen acres, where various experiments were carried on with the limited amenities like an insect–proof glass house and a small field laboratory. The improved potato strain are Ackersegan, B-1965, Ultimus, and BWL both for the hills and the plains, and Pimpernel for high altitude cultivation show casing the achievement of the Station. During the 1987 crop season the three varieties of potato were evolved which proved a resistant to the devastating blight disease, also. But with the passage of time, the condition of the farm has become much deplorable as if it has got blight. “The field research especially hybridisation, specing and such under the Economic Botanist III are now conducted on the only thirteen acres for about seveenteen varieties without the glass house, the laboratory and more surprisingly the post of a permanent research officer is vacant for more than twenty years,” said Mr K.B. Rai, a Krishi Prajikti Shayak (KPS) at the Experimental Station in 1997.

A large number of research relating with potato multiplication technique like cut-tuber, side croping with cabbage, etc. were conducted out at the Rangbull Farm, too, with a small field laboratory with few equipments especially to fight viral and fungal diseases. The Farm is proud of finding cause and remedy for leaf rot, mosaic, and wart (The Central Wart Testing Station at Aloobari, Jorebunglow is now the Orchid Centre). In his nineties, Mr K. B. Shah (popularly known as Shah bau), an ex-overseer of the Rangbull Farm under whose tenure the Rangbull Farm enjoyed its golden period, states his experiences with other academicians and proudly recollects his days as a co-worker with Dr H.C. Chaudhary on the high altitude potato. The research scholars from all over the world had conducted their experiments at the Rangbull Farm. But he admits that the Rangbull Farm being situated on the windward side did not permit to be suitable for hybridisation process.

In 1956, the Rangbull Farm had a pucca motorable road connecting the national highway, enabling the Farm to had its own tractor for transportation of farm input and output. In its peak, the Farm had five godowns, two staff quarters, a garage with a tractor, an office, and a laboratory which were reduced to ashes, and the locals did help to clear the left over in the turbulent 1980s. The roads and bridges were damaged by both the human and the climatic factors after the downfall of the Farm. In the late nineties, it was turned more into a playing field, grazing pasture, quarry, etc. than the multiplication farm, once famous all over India. The Kalyani University, too put a side the Rangbull Farm for a proposed regional research station like that of Kalimpong, due to poor existing infrastructure. Whatever its condition has become, not an inch of the farm land is occupied by the locals as they still feel and adore the Rangbull Farm as their bread baker. Moreover, they are hopeful that once again it will retain its glory.

After the Ghising led movement for Gorkhaland, the cultivation which was once carried up to 170 acres, was now practised only on 15 acres and 25 aces at the Rangbull and the Sonada unit, respectively both under the Rangbull Farm. The lack of better co-ordination between the management and the labourers, and proper field supervision, absence of field office and inspecting officer have further deteriorated the farm. In the administrative side, meagre funding, cow dung and seed availability problem and delayed labour wages were also responsible for its collapse.

The issue of the common interest – permanency of labourers as Krishi Shramik, which gained a tempo in the mid 1990 is far from the reality as the farm cannot employ its all registered labourers for more than 240 days a year in its current condition. This demand also depends upon the smooth functioning of the Rangbull Farm, which primarily depends upon the godown.

The produce were once stored in the private hired godowns with poor storing facilities which was not economically beneficial. “Godown is the mother of all the issues concerning the farm's growth and development,” said Mr Samsher Chettri, Principal Agriculture Officer in 1997. After being incorporated into the Agriculture Department, DGHC, the councillor and the secretary of the Department realised the need of godown and reconstructed one each at Rangbull, Sonada and Bhangjyang.

The first time under the DGHC, seeds from the Sikkim State Seed Corporation to rotate the seed species, experiences like from Mr K. B. Shah for the better cultivation and management and the technical guidance from the State government were sought. However, along with the improvement of the infrastructure and the office of the Agriculture Development Officer (Potatoes) at the Rangbull Farm site for better technical supervision and implementation of schemes were never realised in practice.

In 1997, the Principal Agriculture Officer aspired that “the Agriculture Department will provide adequate budget to revive the legacy, and within less than five years in phase-wise, the farm will be better than the before.” However, in reality the condition of the Rangbull Farm has worsened with every passing year, and has almost cease to exist. This labour-dependent farm's progress relies not only upon the labourers' commitment which abounds in plenty but on the vision of the leadership who decides, unfortunately, for this heritage farm, once famous all over the world. In the context of today's Darjeeling, paradoxically, it is their political vision which will decide the fate of such long standing tradition of the hill people to become bright or blight.

http://www.darjeelingtimes.com/dtnews/main-news/citizen-news/623-rangbull-farm.html

Tea & Nepali

About the history of tea plant in the Darjeeling Hills, it is a well known fact that tea was not cultivated as a crop in the Darjeeling Hills prior to the plantations started by the British. So far known history of Darjeeling tea, thus, begins with the Chinese saplings in the British plantations and the Nepali labourers. This points to the fact that tea plant is exotic to the Darjeeling Hills. On the other hand, Fred Pinn (1986) in “The Road of Destiny : Darjeeling Letters 1839,” mentions sighting of a tea tree in the wild near Mahaldiram which is prior to the cultivation of tea as a crop in the Hills. Now, this points that tea plant is not exotic to the Darjeeling Hills (at least, Mahaldiram).
At the cultural front, the tea drinking culture -- black tea prepared out of brick tea was not exotic to the locals specially among the Bhutias. This fact is supported by a Nepali word “चिया" which is derived from Tibetan “chha" < Chinese "tchai/cha" rather than from English “tea” < Dutch “tay” < “tay” in one of the Chinese dialects. This leads us to point that the Nepalis were accustomed to “चिया" prior to the British introduction of “tea” but not to the latter's command. Hence, कमान was borrowed and nativised into Nepali from English "command." Interestingly, it also proves that the Nepalis were resident of the Darjeeling Hills along with the Lepchas and the Bhutias prior to the opening of the tea gardens rather than after the opening of the gardens – an impression generally provided in the gazetteers. This fact is also proved on the basis of other accounts by scholars like Dr. Kumar Pradhan.
However, I have not come across any mention of /account on tea plant either in local botany nor in cultural resources like folklores, tales, etc. so far within my limited study. I would be interested to find/collect the account of the Lepchas, Bhutias, & Nepalis on tea plant in rituals, folk tales, songs, narratives, etc. but not related to the British plantation.

Flavours of SL Morphology

Recent research on Sign Language (henceforth, SL) morphology has discovered evidence that SLs exhibit a complex morphology in two flavours- simultaneous and sequential. The difference between the two flavours, Aronoff, Meir, & Sandler (2005: 309) mentions, ‘[T]hese two types of morphology differ from one another with respect to the phonological means they employ, the grammatical categories they encode, their productivity, and their diachronic development.’

The sequential morphology is affixal- grammaticalised from free lexical items, derivational, do not involve morphosyntactic categories, and of limited productivity. Such sequential morphology is found in ASL and IrSL and is rare in both the SLs. In the former flavour, the different morphemes of a word (see Zeshan (2002) for the notion of word in SL) are simultaneously nested over each other by altering the direction, rhythm, or path shape of the citation form of sign, and not by sequencing new phonological segments to the word. The morphologically complex structures- verb agreement, classifier constructions, and verbal aspects- are inflectional and productive. There are deep-seated cross-linguistic similarities in the grammatical categories these forms encode as well as the form they take in their morphological structure.

Simultaneous is sequential
Stokoe’s (1960) phonemic analysis of ASL sign took three formational parameters- HAND CONFIGURATION, LOCATION, and MOVEMENT- (note that ORIENTATION (ORT), the fourth formational parameter, was identified in 1974 by Robbin Battison) to be articulated cotemporally. His analysis also revealed that signs are organized simultaneously (simultaneity is found in every level of SL structure. Various motivations have been given for the simultaneity in SL (see Klima & Fischer 1972; Klima & Bellugi 1979; Supalla 1991)) unlike words of spoken language, which later came to be known as the simultaneous model. Stokoe recognized that at least some elements of signs had to be ordered sequentially, even if the articulation appears simultaneous (Liddell 1984). Supalla & Newport 1978; Padden 1983; Liddell 1984; Sandler 1986; and other researchers proposed the sequential model based on the movement sequences. They analysed the sequential nature of MOVEMENT in sign, and have decomposed into elements arranged either in sequence or simultaneously with sequential elements (Padden 1988: 257).

Sequential is simultaneous
Supalla (1982) approached the phonological structure of ASL signs by focussing on a subclass of morphologically complex signs- verbs of motion and location. Unlike other signs, a verb of motion and location is morphologically complex where each phonological unit is also morpheme (such single feature morpheme involving palatalisation and tonal modification is found in Japanese and Chichewa, respectively (as cited in Schembri 2003: 8)) reflecting the same structure for the phonological and the morphological organisations. A single string of signs can mean ‘A vehicle passed through the hill and turned up near the tree.’ In this string handshape and orientation which remain the same throughout the string without being taken back to the normal neutral position (a position of hands where and when a signer is at rest i.e. no sign is formed), denotes VEHICLE-Classifier (see Supalla 1982 for details; Schembri 2003) and upright position, respectively. The change of the orientation denotes that the vehicle is turned up. Such construction is simultaneous at the level of morphology and sequential at the level of syntax.

To sum up, there is a kind of continuum/overlapping between different levels in their organisation in SL. The simultaneous morphology is found in all SLs studied so far- a SL universal (Emmorey 2002) and form a language type in which no known spoken language falls under it (Sandler & Lillo-Martin 2001).